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Prime Minister Tarique Rahman’s recent visits to Malaysia and China marked his first foreign tour since forming the government. Choosing these two countries for his maiden overseas visit was, in my view, a strategically significant diplomatic move which has considerable geopolitical implications.
The reception he received in both Malaysia and China, the emphasis placed on strengthening bilateral ties and the extensive coverage of his visits in the mainstream media of the respective two countries all suggest that the tour was politically and diplomatically significant. More importantly, it offered Bangladesh an opportunity to signal that its foreign policy will be guided by national interest and strategic balance rather than dependence on any single power.
Every independent and sovereign state has its own foreign policy, shaped by its history, traditions, constitutional principles and the aspirations of its people. Bangladesh is no exception.
The fundamental principle of Bangladesh’s foreign policy is well known: “Friendship to all, malice towards none.” Article 25 of the Constitution also lays down the principles governing Bangladesh’s international relations, including respect for national sovereignty, non-interference in the internal affairs of other states and equality.
The challenge for Bangladesh has always been to translate these principles into an effective foreign policy that protects its sovereignty, advances its economic interests and maintains constructive relations with competing regional and global powers.
Over the past 55 years, Bangladesh’s foreign policy has experienced considerable ups and downs. Different governments have adopted different approaches towards India, China, the United States, Russia and the wider Muslim world. The central lesson from this history should be that excessive dependence on any single country or power can limit a sovereign state’s room for manoeuvre.
The foreign policy of the post-independence government under Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was relatively close to India and the Soviet bloc, while relations with the Western world, particularly the United States, were complicated by the geopolitical realities of the Cold War. Critics have argued that Bangladesh’s foreign policy at that time lacked sufficient balance.
In the late 1970s, President Ziaur Rahman sought to broaden Bangladesh’s international relationships. His government strengthened ties with China, the United States and the Muslim world while seeking greater strategic space beyond India. Bangladesh also became more active in international diplomacy.
Ziaur Rahman’s approach demonstrated an important principle that remains relevant today: a relatively small country can protect its interests by maintaining constructive relations with different centres of power rather than becoming excessively dependent on one.
During the long tenure of Sheikh Hasina’s government, critics increasingly characterised Bangladesh’s foreign policy as heavily tilted towards India. Statements by senior officials, including remarks portraying Bangladesh-India relations in unusually intimate terms, fuelled criticism that Dhaka was giving disproportionate consideration to Indian interests.
Supporters of the policy, however, have argued that close relations with India were necessary because of geography, security, trade, connectivity and the historical role India played during Bangladesh’s Liberation War.
Whatever one’s political interpretation, an important question remains: how can Bangladesh maintain close relations with India while ensuring that its own national interests receive equal consideration?
India is Bangladesh’s closest major neighbour and an important economic and strategic partner. The two countries share history, geography, rivers, trade routes and cultural connections. India also provided direct support during Bangladesh’s Liberation War. But geography makes a relationship necessary; it does not determine its terms.
A sovereign Bangladesh needs a working relationship with India based on equality, mutual respect and reciprocal interests. Issues such as water sharing, border management, trade, transit and security require sustained dialogue and practical solutions.
Bangladesh cannot change its neighbour. Nor can India choose a different neighbour. That reality makes constructive engagement essential.
At the same time, India’s broader relations with its neighbours remain an important factor in South Asian geopolitics. Relations between India and Pakistan remain deeply adversarial, while India has also faced periodic disagreements with Nepal and Bhutan.
For a regional power, however, influence is not based solely on size or military strength. It also depends on trust, economic cooperation and the perception that smaller neighbours are being treated fairly.
Bangladesh has experienced repeated tensions along its border with India, including allegations of excessive use of force against Bangladeshi nationals. Any unlawful border crossing or criminal activity should be dealt with according to law. But allegations of extrajudicial killings or disproportionate use of force require serious attention and credible investigation.
India, therefore, also has an interest in building greater confidence with its neighbours. Yet India remains only one part of Bangladesh’s foreign-policy equation. China is another major development and economic partner. A number of important infrastructure projects in Bangladesh have been supported by Chinese financing, investment and technical cooperation. China is a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council and one of the world’s largest economies.
Its growing influence in trade, technology, infrastructure and global diplomacy means that Bangladesh cannot afford to ignore the importance of its relationship with Beijing.
The relationship with China should therefore be strengthened on the basis of Bangladesh’s economic and strategic interests. At the same time, Bangladesh must ensure that cooperation with China does not unnecessarily damage its relations with other major partners.
The same principle applies to Russia.
Bangladesh has maintained a working relationship with Moscow for decades. Russia remains the world’s largest country by territory and a permanent member of the UN Security Council with considerable military and geopolitical influence.
Although its global economic weight is smaller than that of the United States or China, Russia remains an important international actor. Bangladesh should therefore maintain a constructive relationship with Moscow, while carefully considering the implications of the Russia-Ukraine war and Bangladesh’s relationships with Western partners.
That brings us to the United States.
Since the end of the Cold War and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the United States has remained the world’s most influential global power. For Bangladesh, it is particularly important because of trade, investment, development cooperation and the large Bangladeshi diaspora.
The United States is also Bangladesh’s largest market for garment exports, while remittances from the Bangladeshi community in the United States constitute an important source of foreign exchange.
Beyond economics, Bangladesh has significant institutional and social links with the Western world, including in areas such as democracy, civil society, education and culture.
For these reasons, Bangladesh should maintain and strengthen its relationship with Washington. But closer ties with the United States should not mean distancing Bangladesh from China, Russia or India.
The central objective should be strategic balance. The world is not divided into permanent friends and permanent enemies. International relations are shaped by changing interests. Countries that were once bitter enemies can become close partners when their strategic circumstances change.
The relationship between the United States and Japan is a striking historical example. The two countries fought a devastating war, yet they later developed a close political, economic and security partnership. Bangladesh should therefore avoid viewing international relations through a rigid friend-or-foe framework.
Its foreign policy should instead be guided by a simple question: what serves Bangladesh’s national interest? This requires strategic autonomy, not strategic isolation.
Bangladesh should maintain strong relations with India while firmly pursuing its legitimate interests. It should deepen economic and technological cooperation with China while avoiding excessive dependence. It should maintain a constructive relationship with Russia without unnecessarily disturbing relations with the United States and Europe.
It should strengthen its ties with the United States and the wider Western world while continuing to engage with China and other Asian powers. The Muslim world should also receive greater diplomatic and economic attention.
Bangladesh has longstanding historical, cultural and economic links with Muslim-majority countries. Cooperation with the Gulf states and other Muslim countries can contribute to investment, employment, energy security, trade and remittance flows.
A balanced foreign policy also requires a strong national defence capability. Bangladesh should continue to modernise its armed forces in accordance with its security requirements and economic capacity. Modernisation should focus on credible defence capabilities, technological advancement and the protection of national sovereignty rather than becoming part of an arms race.
The country’s economic diplomacy should receive equal attention. Foreign policy today is not simply about political alliances or diplomatic statements. It is also about markets, investment, technology, energy, connectivity, labour migration and supply chains. Bangladesh therefore needs a foreign policy that connects diplomacy directly with economic development.
The Prime Minister’s visits to Malaysia and China have created an opportunity to pursue such a strategy. Malaysia is an important partner in trade, investment, labour migration and regional connectivity, while China is a major economic and infrastructure partner.
The two visits can be viewed as part of a broader effort to diversify Bangladesh’s international relationships.
The reported election of Bangladesh to the presidency of the United Nations General Assembly also provides an opportunity for Dhaka to project itself more actively on the international stage. Likewise, the government’s emphasis on major water-management initiatives, including long-term plans concerning the Teesta and Padma river systems, indicates the importance it attaches to national resource management and water security. However, diplomatic opportunities must be matched by careful execution.
Bangladesh is a relatively small country located in a strategically important part of the Indo-Pacific. It sits between South and Southeast Asia and is surrounded almost entirely by India, with Myanmar to the southeast and access to the Bay of Bengal. This geography creates both opportunities and vulnerabilities.
Bangladesh cannot afford an emotional foreign policy. Nor can it afford decisions driven by short-term political interests. Every major diplomatic decision should be assessed in terms of sovereignty, economic benefit, security, long-term strategic consequences and public interest.
The country also needs to avoid becoming trapped inside the strategic framework of any major power. A sovereign foreign policy does not mean hostility towards powerful countries. It means maintaining the freedom to cooperate with different countries according to Bangladesh’s own interests.
This is where the principle of strategic balance becomes crucial. Bangladesh should not be forced to choose between India and China, or between China and the United States, unless circumstances leave no alternative. Its objective should be to maintain constructive relations with all major powers while ensuring that no external actor acquires disproportionate influence over its national decision-making.
The approach associated with Ziaur Rahman’s foreign policy offers one historical reference point for such thinking: expand Bangladesh’s international partnerships, maintain relations with competing powers and create diplomatic space for the country to pursue its own interests.
Following that broad principle does not mean copying the policies of a previous era. The geopolitical environment has changed dramatically. The rise of China, the strategic competition between Washington and Beijing, the Russia-Ukraine war, the changing Indo-Pacific order and the growing importance of South and Southeast Asia have created a much more complex international environment.
Bangladesh must therefore develop its own contemporary version of strategic balance.
The task will not be easy. But it is not impossible.
The country needs diplomacy based on intelligence, patience and pragmatism rather than emotion. It needs to negotiate firmly without becoming unnecessarily confrontational. It needs to cooperate without becoming dependent. And it needs to protect its sovereignty without isolating itself from the international community.
Above all, Bangladesh deserves a foreign policy based on equality, fairness, reciprocity and proportionality. The ultimate test of Bangladesh’s foreign policy should not be how warmly another country receives its leaders, how many agreements are signed or how much praise is offered by foreign governments.
The real test is whether those relationships deliver tangible benefits for Bangladesh and its people while protecting the country’s sovereignty and strategic independence.
Bangladesh should be friends with all, hostile to none, dependent on no one and guided above all by its own national interest. That is the essence of a balanced foreign policy for a sovereign Bangladesh.
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Sarabangla English Edition’s editorial stance.